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Reinarman,
Craig (1998), Morele ideologie VS haaks op drugsbeleid Nederland. Het
Parool, July 30, 1998, p. 8. © Copyright 1998 Craig Reinarman.
All rights reserved.
Reprinted with permission from Craig Reinarman.
Why Dutch drug
policy threatens the U.S.
Craig
Reinarman
He
said it would be a "fact finding tour," but U.S. Drug Czar,
General Barry McCaffrey, made it clear before he ever left home that
he would bring his own "facts" about Dutch drug policy. He
did his best impersonation of a man "listening" during his
few hours here, but in the end it was clearly a "fact bringing"
tour. Dutch officials and journalists immediately caught him with his
evidentiary pants down and chastised him for making false claims about
drug use and crime in the Netherlands.
Such slanders are
nothing new. A few years ago, McCaffrey's predecessor claimed that all
the Dutch youth in Vondel Park were "stoned zombies." An earlier
Drug Czar proclaimed "you can't walk down the street in Amsterdam
without tripping over junkies." It is said that truth is the first
casualty of war, and drug wars are no different.
My Dutch friends
and colleagues ask me in astonishment why Drug Czars behave in such
a strange manner? U.S. officials are threatened by Dutch drug policy
because it cuts against the grain of the moral ideology underlying U.S.
drug policy. That ideology runs deep in American culture and politics.
The U.S. has a history of hysteria about intoxicating substances dating
back to the 19th century Temperance crusade. For over a hundred years,
Americans believed that Satan's "demon drink" was the direct
cause of poverty, ill health, crime, insanity, and the demise of civilisation.
This fundamentalist crusade culminated with national alcohol prohibition
in 1919.
Alcohol Prohibition
Agents quickly took over the job of creating U.S. drug policy. Without
debate, they chose criminalization. A series of antidrug scares since
then has led to the criminalization of more drugs and the imprisonment
of more drug users for longer terms. What animated each of these scares,
from the crusade against alcohol on, was less public health than the
politics of fear fear of change, of "foreigners," of
the working class, of non-whites, of rebellious college students, of
lost control.
Having scapegoated
drugs for so long, U.S. politicians cannot contemplate a "tolerant"
system like the Dutch. They compete for votes on the basis of whose
rhetoric is "tougher" on drugs. The Right-wing Republicans
who control Congress call President Clinton "soft on drugs"
even though more drug users are imprisoned now than ever. Clinton appointed
McCaffrey Drug Czar not because the General has any training in drugs,
but because he was a military man who would symbolize "toughness."
U.S. drug policy
has been getting "tougher." The Czar's budget was increased
from $1 billion in 1980 to $17 billion this year. The number of drug
offenders imprisoned in the U.S. has increased 800% since 1980, helping
the U.S. achieve the highest imprisonment rate in the industrialized
world 550 per 100,000 population, compared to the Netherlands'
79 per 100,000. Under the banner of the war on drugs, a kind of creeping
totalitarianism tramples more human rights and civil liberties each
year: tens of millions of "clean" citizens subjected to supervised
urine tests at work; hundreds of thousands searched in their homes or,
on the basis of racist "trafficker profiles," at airports
or on freeways; possessions seized by the state on suspicion alone.
And U.S. school children have been bombarded with more antidrug propaganda
than any generation in history.
The results of all
this suggest why U.S. officials are lashing out. Their own surveys show
that illicit drug use by American youth has increased in five of the
last six years. The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration admits that
hard drugs are just as available, less expensive, and more pure than
ever. Hard drug abuse and addiction among the urban poor remain widespread.
Some judges have even refused to apply harsh drug laws. Opinion polls
now show a majority of Americans do not believe the war on drugs can
be won. More and more are voicing their opposition and seeking alternatives
to punitive prohibition. The drug policy reform movement in the U.S.
is growing larger and more diverse.
And when these pesky
heretics argue that there are alternatives to punitive prohibition,
one of their key examples is Dutch drug policy. U.S. drug warriors wish
the Netherlands example did not exist, but since they cannot make even
small countries disappear, they are reduced to making up their own "facts"
about it.
Dutch drug policy
is a threat to drug warriors precisely because it has NOT led to what
McCaffrey called an "unmitigated disaster." Dutch society
has its drug problems, of course, but no more and often less than most
other modern democracies. In fact, more people have tried cannabis in
the U.S. where millions have gone to prison for it than in the Netherlands
where citizens may buy it lawfully. The U.S. drug control complex fears
Dutch drug policy like the Catholic Church feared Gallileo they
MUST believe the Dutch model is a failure, for if it is not their whole
cosmology shatters.
U.S. drug control
ideology holds that there is no such thing as use of an illicit drug,
only abuse. Drug use patterns in the Netherlands show that for the overwhelming
majority of users, drugs are just one more type of genotsmiddelen
(food, spice, or intoxicant giving pleasure to the senses) that the
Dutch have been importing and culturally domesticating for centuries.
U.S. officials tend
to lump all illicit drugs together, as if all were equally dangerous
and addictive. Dutch drug policy makes pragmatic distinctions based
on relative risks. When U.S. officials are confronted by the scientific
evidence that cannabis is among the least risky drugs, they fall back
on the claim that it is a "stepping stone" to hard drugs.
But here, too, the evidence from Dutch surveys is heresy: despite tolerant
policies and ready availability, most Dutch people never try cannabis,
and most who do try it don't continue to use even cannabis very often,
much less harder drugs. In short, the Dutch facts are a Drug Czar's
nightmare.
Leaders more secure
about the effectiveness and fairness of their own drug policies would
feel less need to attack Dutch drug policy. Dutch officials do not proselytize,
urging other nations to adopt their methods, and the U.S. is obviously
not obliged to adopt any part of the Dutch approach. By the same logic,
the U.S. should realize that other societies do not share its phobias
and do not appreciate its tendency toward drug policy imperialism
particularly when what the U.S. offers is repressive, expensive failure.
We inhabit an increasingly
multi-cultural world, which is also a multi-lifestyle and multi-morality
world. Drug policy, therefore, cannot be as simple as stretch socks
"one size fits all." Neither European integration nor
globalized markets erase differences in language, culture, behavior,
or politics. Thus, a cookie cutter approach in which each nation's drug
policy is identical whether punitive prohibition or any other
model makes no sense. Dutch drug policy has bravely broadened
the range of possibilities to examine, which is as useful for those
who want to learn something as it is fearful for those who do not.
Dr.
Reinarman is Professor of Sociology at the University of California,
Santa Cruz, and Visiting Scholar at the Centrum voor Drugsonderzoek
at the Universiteit van Amsterdam. His most recent book is Crack
In America: Demon Drugs and Social Justice, with Harry G. Levine.
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